Take care and make sure that Rangzen is not killed.
A bucketful of cold, conservative water was poured over this historic meeting at a critical period in our history due to pettiness and unwillingness to move beyond our comfort zones. None of the recommendations moved beyond the regular campaigns and initiatives already being implemented by various Tibetans communities. An opportunity to send a clear message of support to our brethren inside was missed.
The Tibetans prided themselves on what they believed to be a unique tradition, the ‘combination of religion and politics’ (chosi zungdrel).
Diary by Tashibod: A glimpse into life in a remote Tibetan area as the Olympics were being celebrated in Beijing; originally posted in Chinese.
Goldstein provides us a detailed thirteen-page account of the “Tibet Improvement Party”, which wanted to bring about a “revolutionary restructuring of the Tibetan government and society.
“If Chinese citizens can watch the torch when it passes through other cities, why can’t we? Are we not citizens of this country?”
What made many in the Tibetan world stand up and pay attention to Professor Melvyn Goldstein’s A History of Modern Tibet, 1913-1951: The Demise of the Lamaist State was the unmistakable impression that here was a radical reinterpretation of Tibetan history.
He did not keep silent because of fear, on the contrary, he was willing to allow me to record and make public his experience full of fear. Why?
They came to clean the streets, and what they wiped out were us Tibetans, because we are garbage in their eyes.
In spite of the unmistakable political message from Lhasa, there were attempts in the Western media to interpret the protests largely in economic terms – Tibetan dissatisfaction growing from the absence of economic opportunities.
What we exile Tibetans can do is to strengthen our democratic foundations by exercising our rights to free expression and action.
Even in the 90s rural Chinese had been so turned off by such official health-care that they were reverting to treatment by traditional “witch doctors”.
If we want to be non-violent, we should be so out of genuine moral conviction, not as a roundabout way to ingratiate ourselves with the Chinese Communist dictators.
I suggest you and other friends to avoid this kind of trap by talking, rather than writing, via Skype.
The March to Tibet began from Dharamsala on 10th March, the same day similar uprisings happened all around the world, organized by Tibetans and Tibet supporters, even in Tibet — a global Tibetan uprising.
In Beijing’s case one important reason for hosting the Olympics is, without doubt, to rehabilitate its image; to reprogram people’s memories about the past.
How will Beijing proceed after the historic Tibetan uprising of March 2008? And how will the Tibetans themselves?
Dharamshala’s hope, of course, is that if the crisis is stopped it could go back trying to negotiate with Beijing. In spite of all that has happened in Tibet our leaders completely fail to see that this will never happen.
When I googled “Dreaming Lhasa” in Chinese, most entries were advertisements for a trip called “Dreaming Lhasa” sponsored by travel agencies all over China.
This was China’s attitude to Buddhism in the days of Mao. Why is China now after the Tibetan sun? The answer lies in history.